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    Showing posts with label ToI. Show all posts

    Sunday, July 13, 2008

    The advantages of irrelevance


    Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar,

    Having won over the Samajwadi Party (SP), the Manmohan Singh government can push ahead with the Indo-US nuclear deal, and hope to complete its full five-year term. If the government survives the trust vote, Congressmen will be delighted, since they are terrified of an early election, given that inflation is running at 12%.

    Their delight will be tempered by the bitter knowledge that the once-mighty Congress is steadily decreasing in political relevance, in state after state. Yet, ironically, its growing irrelevance in the states has actually helped it survive in New Delhi. Even dark clouds have silver linings, sometimes very broad ones.

    When the Congress won more seats than the BJP in the 2004 general election, it was far short of an absolute majority, and sought the assistance of every possible party to cobble together a ruling coalition. It sought the support of the SP too. But Mulayam Singh Yadav said absolutely no. He feared that a Congress government in New Delhi might find ways to cut him to size in Uttar Pradesh or even oust him, and then stage a comeback in India's largest state. Mulayam feared that the Congress might win back the support of UP Muslims, who had defected to him in droves after the demolition of the Babri Masjid. So, he declined firmly to support the Manmohan Singh government.

    Why then has he suddenly changed tack, and saved Manmohan Singh's bacon? Because he is finally convinced that the Congress has become irreversibly irrelevant in UP, and should no longer be viewed as a threat. In the 2007 state assembly election, Rahul Gandhi, heir apparent of the Congress, himself spearheaded the party's state campaign, and aimed to win back lost ground. Alas, the Congress came a pathetic fourth in the state election, far behind the BSP, SP and BJP. Despite Rahul's efforts, the Congress tally of seats actually fell from 25 to 22. The party won just 8.4% of the popular vote, down from 12% in 2004.

    Its decline in the state worsened in the five by-elections in the state in April this year. The BSP swept all five seats, and the Congress lost its deposit in four of the five. The once-hegemonic party of India had become a pathetic also-ran.

    This, above all, explains why the SP has decided to support the Manmohan Singh government. It can afford to do so because the Congress has become irrelevant in UP. It is now a party to be used, not feared. The only parties that matter now in the state are Mayawati's BSP and Mulayam's SP, with the BJP and Congress playing minor roles. In this scenario, Mulayam can use the Congress to harass Mayawati, by pursuing corruption and income tax cases against her more vigorously. And he can hope to come back to power in UP in the next state election by having the Congress as a very junior ally.

    This drives home the point that, in a highly fractured polity, weakness in some regions can translate into an advantage in New Delhi. In the 1990s, this factor played to the advantage of the BJP. It had some strength in the Hindi-speaking heartland, and in Gujarat. But in other parts of the country it had little or no strength. Yet, it managed to come to power in 1998 with the assistance of sundry regional parties.

    For most regional parties, their main local foe was the Congress party. Hence, they were willing to support the BJP simply as their enemy's enemy. The TDP, AIADMK, BLD, Samata Party, and others joined Vajpayee's NDA government. The very fact that the BJP was so weak in their respective states meant they faced no threat from it locally, and that made it a more attractive partner in New Delhi.

    The Congress was upset to see professedly secular parties like the TDP and Samata Party joining hands with the BJP. It made strong declarations at its Pachmarhi summit about spurning opportunistic regional parties, and seeking to return to power on its own. Yet, this had the practical effect of pushing regional parties further into the BJP camp.

    Those delusions of grandeur have gone now. The Congress has declined in one state after another, and knows that it cannot rule without allies. It has submitted to constant humiliation by the Left Front for four years in New Delhi, knowing that this is the price for survival.

    Yet, this humiliating decline is now proving to be an advantage. Lalu Yadav, who for most of his political career had viewed the Congress as his main foe in Bihar, realised in 2004 that the Congress had become so irrelevant in the state that he could afford to ally with it. That realisation was what made the current UPA government possible: Lalu could join it without jeopardising his own position in Bihar.

    The same thing has now happened in UP. There, too, the Congress has become irrelevant. And so Mulayam can afford to support the Manmohan Singh government in New Delhi. Rahul Gandhi may be a pale shadow of what was once an all-powerful Gandhi family. But that actually enhances his attractions.


    Article Link

    Tuesday, July 1, 2008

    Excess speculation or excess money?



    From ancient times, Indian rulers have always blamed inflation on the perfidious bania. That is happening globally today. Politicians everywhere are blaming speculators for high inflation.

    Actually, inflation occurs when too much money chases too few goods. Today, no great shortfall in goods is evident. World oil production is rising, though slowly. Mineral and metal production is up. The FAO predicts a record global harvest in 2008.

    But the world has long been awash in money. The US kept interest rates at just 1% for years after the 2001 recession. This encouraged Americans to spend more than they earned, creating a huge US trade deficit and corresponding trade surpluses in China and other Third World exporters. Initially, this flood of dollars lifted all global boats — world GDP grew at record rates in 2004-08. Inflation was kept down by rising productivity, and by outsourcing manufacturing and services respectively to low-wage centres in China and India.

    Money supply expanded fast in Third World countries too (including India). This was partly because central banks bought up dollars in forex markets rather than let their currencies appreciate.

    Alas, a flood of money cannot for long lift production alone. Soon it starts raising prices. First the excess money raised housing prices, and everybody was happy. Then it raised stock market prices, and people were very happy. Finally, the flood of money raised consumer prices, and suddenly people are very unhappy.

    When world growth is so high that spending outpaces commodity production, commodity prices will rise to signal that growth needs to slow down. But this is politically unpalatable. Slower growth hits jobs and incomes. Rather than permit this, governments everywhere try to stimulate the economy with even more money.

    The US Fed has not only slashed interest rates to 2% but provided hundreds of billions of dollars to the stricken financial sector to help it escape the consequences of its excesses. This new dollar flood has worsened inflation.

    World commodity prices have shot up in the last two years, spilling over into higher consumer prices. Politicians globally are looking for culprits, and finding them in speculators. Hundreds of billions of dollars have gone in recent years into two investment areas. First, purchases in forward commodity markets — contracts for delivery of commodities at specified future dates. Second, commodity index funds — mutual funds that mimic the price of a group of commodities by buying and selling futures. Such funds have attracted $240 billion in recent times.

    Has this sent commodity prices skyrocketing? Very doubtful. Yes, investors are buying forward contracts worth billions. But for every buyer of contracts, hoping for rising prices, there has to be a seller, hoping for falling prices. Speculation is necessarily a two-way street. Besides, every contract expires and is settled at the due date, so such speculation is self-terminating.

    Forward trading is mostly paper trading, and must not be mistaken for hoarding. World commodity stocks today are generally low by historical standards. Massive forward trading has not translated into hoarding.

    Academic studies have long attempted to find whether forward trading causes a rise in current prices. No clear link has ever been established. Price manipulation is possible in thin, weakly regulated markets. It is not evident in big commodity markets. The US has just enacted legislation limiting the size and financing of forward trades in oil. Past experience suggests this will have a marginal impact at best.

    There is hardly any forward trading in iron ore, yet its price is up 76-95% in new contracts. By contrast, huge forward trading in sugar has left world prices low. Nickel futures are down from a peak of $60,000/tonne last year to just $22,000. Wheat futures once spiked to $13/bushel but are now down to $9/bushel. There is no clear link between forward trading and skyrocketing prices.

    When the interest rate is lower than the inflation rate — economists call this a negative real interest rate — money supply is definitely excessive. India, the US and many other countries have negative real interest rates today. A recent Merrill Lynch study suggests that a 1% fall in the real interest rate increases commodity prices by 17% in 10 months. If this is even partially true, the main culprits have been not speculators but governments printing excess money. Worse, this excess money was often used to subsidise oil prices, stoking demand further.

    Today, at last, governments across the globe are reluctantly reducing oil subsidies and starting to fight inflation through a monetary squeeze, even if it means slowing growth. Squeezing money in India alone will produce only limited results. For good results, central bankers of the world should get together for coordinated action. But no such initiative is in sight.

    Politicians are quick to take the credit when the economy does well, and to blame others when things go wrong. They must take the responsibility for bad as well as good policies. Banias may be quick to grasp the inflationary potential of bad policies, and profit from it. But the root cause of rising prices lies elsewhere.

    Article Link

    Friday, May 9, 2008

    What is eating into Indian food basket?




    The most powerful person on this planet seems to have got it wrong once again. By assigning the cause of global food price crisis to India, George Bush has again missed the point. The problem, though, is real.
    Average food prices have risen 45 percent in the past nine months. And just as rising rice prices fueled rice riots and toppled the Japanese government in 1918, today's price hikes now threaten political stability in the global south. A few weeks ago the unrests led to several deaths in Haiti leading to the dismissal of the prime minister. The price hikes have also sparked riots in Egypt, Ethiopia, the Philippines, Cameroon, Burkino Faso, Indonesia, Ivory Coast, Mauritania, Mozambique, and Senegal. According to media reports, many governments are now racing to sign secret bilateral deals with food exporters to secure supplies.
    The World Bank, U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), and International Monetary Fund warned at meetings recently that rising food prices threatened to wipe out a decade of efforts to combat global poverty. Jacques Diouf, the FAO director-general, warned that the social unrest could spread to countries where 50-60 percent of a family's income is spent on food. Most sub-Saharan African countries fall into that category.
    And the causes are a plenty. Droughts, the Western push to use biofuels made from corn to reduce dependence on fossil fuels, increased demand for meat and dairy products from the richer Asian countries etc.
    These explanations, however, highlight external causes and ignore causes - rooted in the policy choices of developing world governments - that have led to the stagnation of agricultural sectors.
    According to Robert Paarlberg, professor of political science at Wellesley College, most of the world's hungry people do not use international food markets, and most of those who use these markets are not hungry. Fact is, international food markets, like international markets for everything else, are used primarily by rich, not the poor. In world corn markets, the biggest importer by far is Japan followed by the European Union. Next come South Korea. Surely, citizens in these countries are not underfed. In the poor countries of Asia, rice is the most important staple, yet most Asian countries import very little rice. Hunger is caused in these countries not by high international food prices, but by local conditions, especially rural poverty linked to low productivity in farming.
    The focus of this article, however, is more local. India and its botched up agricultural policies. While Bush’s comments made our politicians and policy makers see red, they took the oft beaten track of blaming this on global phenomenon while they continued to ignore the local problems. Not surprising, since every Indian government, past or present, needs to take the blame for the current impasse.
    India boasts a food grain reserve of over 60 million metric tons but, at the same time, more than 200 million people remain undernourished. Nor surprisingly, the noted economist Prof. M S Swaminathan once commented, “the reason why we have been food sufficient in the past is not that we have produced enough but because a large part of population is undernourished.”
    How prophetic. Indeed, the numbers speak for itself.
    First, undernourishment
    Not only are the rest of the BRIC countries far ahead of India in this count, even, most of the countries experiencing food riots recently are better off. More importantly, most of the countries, which are currently better off than India had a far worse record in earlier periods.
    Table: Prevalence of undernourishment in total population
    (%)
    Country Name
    1969-1971
    1979-1981
    1990-1992
    1995-1997
    2001-2003 provisional
    2002-2004 preliminary
    Mozambique
    58
    59
    66
    58
    45
    44
    Cameroon
    27
    23
    33
    34
    25
    26
    Thailand
    29
    23
    30
    23
    21
    22
    India
    39
    38
    25
    21
    20
    20
    Senegal
    23
    23
    23
    25
    23
    20
    Philippines
    51
    27
    26
    22
    19
    18
    Viet Nam
    32
    37
    31
    23
    17
    16
    Burkina Faso
    58
    62
    21
    19
    17
    15
    China
    46
    30
    16
    12
    12
    12
    Ghana
    24
    65
    37
    18
    12
    11
    Mauritania
    53
    40
    15
    11
    10
    10
    Brazil
    23
    15
    12
    10
    8
    7
    Malaysia
    5
    3
    3
    <2.5>
    3
    3
    Russian Federation




    3
    3
    Source: FAO
    Second, highly unequal distribution of food
    This, to a certain extent, explains the undernourishment. India is a country with high inequality in terms of access to food. Although the reference periods vary, the data has ominous signs.
    In fact, other than Sierra Leone and Liberia, all the countries had a better Gini Coefficient as well as Coefficient of Variation as compared to India.
    Table: Inequality in access to food
    Country Name
    Dietary Energy Consumption

    Last survey year
    Gini coefficient (percent)
    Coefficient of Variation (percent)
    Sierra Leone
    1995
    19
    a
    36
    a
    Liberia
    1995
    19
    a
    35
    a
    India
    1990
    18

    34

    China
    1990
    17

    32

    Viet Nam
    1993
    17

    32

    Brazil
    1974-1975
    17

    31

    Mozambique
    1995
    17
    a
    31
    a
    Philippines
    1987
    17

    31

    Burkina Faso
    1995
    16
    a
    29
    a
    Mauritania
    1988
    16

    29

    Thailand
    1990
    16

    28

    Ghana
    1992
    15

    27

    Senegal
    1995
    14
    a
    26
    a
    Cameroon
    1995
    14
    a
    26
    a
    Russian Federation
    1993
    12

    22

    Malaysia
    1989
    12

    22

    Source: FAO
    Note: a - estimated


    The stagnation
    Indeed, the story of Indian agriculture is a story of ill-conceived and, quite often, inappropriate policies. The fact that Indian agriculture has been stagnating for long is quite clear.
    The CAGR (compound annual growth rate) of food grain production has fallen from 3.1 percent during the 1980s to a mere 1.1 percent in the 1990s. What is important to note is that this annual growth has been less than the population growth during this period. Till 2006-2007, the situation has hardly improved.
    A closer look at the data reveals that the deceleration was much sharper after 1996-97. Since then till 2006-07, the CAGR has been less than one percent. An almost similar trend was visible across major states. Clearly (demand or no demand) the country started facing severe supply side problems since the mid-’90s, which became acute by the turn of the century.
    The deceleration, since 1996-97, has been mainly due to sharp decline in usage of critical inputs like technology usage, irrigation, fertiliser and electricity consumption. Not surprisingly, agricultural productivity had been a casualty in India (refer to my previous article, ‘Inflation, who’s to blame’)
    Table: Trend growth rate in major agricultural inputs
    (%)
    Period
    1980-81 to 1990-91
    1980-91 to 1996-97
    1996-97 to 2005-06
    Technology a
    3.3
    2.8
    0.0
    Gross irrigated area
    2.3
    2.6
    0.5 b
    Electricity consumed
    14.1
    9.4
    -0.5 c
    NPK use
    8.2
    2.5
    2.3
    Source: Economic Survey
    a - Yield potential of new varieties of paddy, rapeseed/mustard, groundnut, wheat, maize
    b - Upto 2003-04
    c - Upto 2004-05
    Despite this, our policy makers were content in pointing towards our self-sufficiency in food grains ignoring the fact that the problem had a lot more to do with lack of purchasing power rather than satiated demand. Fact is, when international prices go up, the disposable income of some urban dwellers is squeezed, but most of the actual hunger takes place in the villages and in the countryside, and it persists even when international prices are low.
    Government intervention in food grain markets meant primarily for promoting food security has reached a stage where consumers are being deprived of basic food, when a large proportion of the output is diverted from the market to government warehouses. High prices for grains paid to producers, completely ignoring demand-side factors and costs involved in building and holding grain stocks have put them outside the reach of consumers. Stocks are being liquidated by releasing them to private trade for export at a heavy discount. This implies a sort of taxation for domestic consumers.
    Urban undernourishment, however, is also a reality. According to the Food Insecurity Atlas of Urban India , brought out by the M.S. Swaminathan Research Foundation (MSSRF) and the World Food Programme (WFP), more than 38 percent of children under the age of three in India's cities and towns are underweight and more than 35 percent of children in urban areas are stunted (shorter than they should be for their age). The report states that the poor in India's burgeoning urban areas do not get the requisite amount of calories or nutrients specified by accepted Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) norms and also suggests that absorption and assimilation of food by the urban poor is further impaired by non-food factors such as inadequate sanitation facilities, insufficient housing and woeful access to clean drinking water.
    Agricultural investment takes a backseat
    Paradoxically, our response has been falling investment in agriculture.
    Table: Gross Capital Formation in agriculture (@ 1999-2000 prices
    (Rs. Crore)
    Period
    GCF (total)
    GCF (agriculture)
    Share of agriculture in total GCF (%)
    1999-00
    506244
    43473
    8.6
    2000-01
    488658
    39027
    8.0
    2001-02
    474448
    48215
    10.2
    2002-03
    555287
    46823
    8.4
    2003-04
    665625
    44833
    6.7
    2004-05
    795642
    49108
    6.2
    2005-06
    950102
    54905
    5.8
    2006-07
    1053323
    60762
    5.8
    Source: Economic Survey
    For a country, nearly 70 percent of whose population depends on agriculture and nearly 20 percent of the country’s GDP comes from agriculture, a 5.8 percent share of agriculture in gross capital formation (lowest ever share recorded).is nothing less than criminal.
    On the other hand, unable to tackle the problems, our subsidies are growing. So we have a situation wherein measures that can have only short-term impact (read subsidies) have become a regular feature, while investments that can have a long-term impact are losing importance.
    Time indeed it is to get our priorities right.
    (Kunal Kumar Kundu is the Head of Economic Research at Infosys BPO. The views expressed are his own)

    http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/Economy/Indicators/What_is_eating_into_Indian_food_basket/rssarticleshow/msid-3024696,curpg-1.cms

    Saturday, May 3, 2008

    High oil prices should be passed on to consumers




    The best argument for using market driven rates is the utter disrespect that Indian consumers have in splurging on oil in the past few years in spite of raising oil prices around the world. Car and bike sales have increased tremendously for the consumers are not feeling the pinch of the oil price. We hear news of US consumers switching to compact cars, dumping SUVs and hitching to public transport. If the rise in oil prices were passed onto the consumers in India, I'm sure there would have been more care taken in spending less. It could also have had some lessening effect on the auto pollution in our metros. So continuing with the current oil policy is not just a matter of fiscal issue but also physical!

    --Vj

    -----------------------------------------------------------

    3 May, 2008, 0301 hrs IST,Cuckoo Paul, TNN

    For a government which is preoccupied with tackling inflation, OPEC president Chakib Khelil’s observation couldn’t have come at a worse time. The OPEC president, in a recent statement, warned that crude oil could hit $200/bbl with the dollar losing its lustre. That too when oil prices have already climbed 100% to top the $120 a barrel mark over the last one year. With alternative sources of energy becoming a rage, land is being sacrificed for bio-fuels, pushing food prices to new highs.

    For a country which is critically dependant on overseas sources for its energy needs and whose appetite for oil is insatiable, these developments are clearly worrisome — especially for emerging economies like India, China, Russia and Brazil.

    “If we look at the BRIC countries, India looks like a sore thumb. We are the only country out there which is not in the pink of health when it comes to oil as all the other countries have their own resources or finances to manage the situation,” says Ajit Ranade, group chief economist with the Aditya Birla Group.

    There are several others like him worried about the management of the oil economy. With polls round the corner, pump prices are unlikely to be hiked significantly to pass on the burden of the crude price rise. India is still among a handful of countries where kerosene is still being sold at $20/bbl levels, when international prices are ruling close to $125/bbl.

    Over the years, when it comes to raising the prices of petrol, diesel and LPG, governments, irrespective of political hues, have uniformly chosen not to take any hard decision. This is because a decision on this issue can hurt them politically, never mind the fact that retail prices do not reflect international realities and that it can drill a hole into government finances.

    The NDA government and its finance minister Yashwant Sinha started issuing oil bonds to skirt the issue. Since then these bonds which are IOUs guaranteed by the government of India and given to oil marketing companies (OMCs) to compensate them for their losses have proved to be a convenient tool to postpone solutions to the problem.

    The OMC problem

    Earlier these bonds compensated one third of the losses of the marketing companies. Over the years these bonds now offer up to 42% of the losses. When the bonds were originally issued, the plan envisaged was to gradually decontrol oil prices and make them market-related by the end of 10 years.

    But as prices went up, the political cost became too high. Now with oil touching new highs every week, doubts are beginning to surface again whether the current mechanism of price-redress can be stretched beyond a point. Economists have already warned that postponing the problem would have long-term implications for the economy.

    India’s fiscal deficit works out to 3.2% of the GDP and if the outstanding oil bonds are added to this number, the same fiscal deficit to GDP ratio escalates to 4.4%.

    In general, under-recoveries are moving up faster than the jump in crude oil prices and this is again a cause of worry as it impacts all segments of the economy. In FY07, marketing companies had under-recoveries to the tune of Rs 50,000 crore which are expected to vault to Rs 1,00,000 crore in FY09, a rise of 100% in two years. During the same period average crude oil is expected to go up by 60%. For every $1 increase in price of crude, the under recoveries go up by Rs 3,000 crore.

    Like American shoppers, the Indian government has followed a ‘consume now and pay later’ philosophy that is obviously unsustainable, feels an economist with a brokerage firm. The questions now being raised are: Does the government have any option? And how do other countries handle the same issue?

    Options for the future

    S Narasimhan, the finance director of India’s largest oil retailer Indian Oil, is one man who battles the fallout of high-oil prices on a daily basis. With the oil-major’s borrowings going up to Rs 36,000 crore, it is not surprising that his energy is focussed on finding ways to improve cash flow.

    When oil prices increase, management of working capital also becomes a tricky issue as everything from inventory to cost of transportation needs to be reworked. One solution he can offer is to sell off the government issued oil bonds as soon as possible. Indian Oil holds bonds worth Rs 14,000 crore and is very keen to sell them, albeit at a loss. Narasimhan says, “Cash flows are severely constrained by the low retail prices of petroleum products.”

    The marketing companies have no option but to sell these bonds at a loss as these bonds are not liquid. Again, since these bonds do not have statutory liquidity ratio (SLR) status, banks are lukewarm to the idea of picking up these bonds. To compensate for the lack of SLR status and liquidity these bonds offer a 25 basis extra coupon over the gilt rates.

    One of the solutions to make these bonds attractive is to grant them SLR status. This way the marketing companies can obtain the right price for these bonds as banks would line up to buy them given the higher yields. If these bonds do get SLR status, then the extra 25 basis coupon will have to go and thus may not have the same attraction for banks. Since the government has a borrowing programme every year and banks are captive buyers of government paper, there is a scare that if oil bonds are given SLR status, the borrowing programme of the government will get impacted.

    Banks will always find the oil bonds more attractive in terms of maturity as well as liquidity compared to other instruments floated by the government. Today the oil companies use the CBL route where the OMCs do the borrowings by using these bonds as collateral. This is turning out to be more efficient for the OMCs in many ways.

    Gilt funds are allowed to invest in oil bonds, as these funds are mandated to invest in any security issued by the government of India. However, oil bonds are not included in the basket of securities, which banks invest in to meet the statutory requirements. According to IDBI Gilts’ head of fixed income S S Raghavan, “The main issue with gilt funds is that these securities lack trading interest and hence, are illiquid. First of all, banks do not prefer to invest in oil bonds because they do not carry an SLR status.

    Secondly, provident funds and pension funds, which comprise the large set of investors in these securities, hold these bonds till maturity. Hence, there is no trading interest from these superannuation funds. Due to these reasons, most gilt funds which are professionally managed, do maintain an internal cap on investments in oil bonds.”

    Typically, on the shorter end, these bonds carry a 25-30 basis point spread over the government bond of a similar tenor. On the longer end, the spread extends to over 50-100 basis points over the government bond. Currently, oil bonds of a 15-year tenor carry a coupon of 9%, almost 100 bps over the corresponding g-sec.

    Much of the trading is now concentrated on the shorter end, where yields have witnessed a sudden spike on account of monetary measures such as the recent hike in the cash reserve ratio. On the longer end, trading interest is restricted given the illiquid conditions.

    Apart from the financial management part, there are other issues which needs to be addressed. One of the best options would be for state governments to lower the sales taxes on fuel,the Rs 50 or so that a consumer pays for a litre of petrol, about 60% is the tax component, for diesel it is roughly 40%.

    Oil revenues form a major chunk of earnings for the governments, both at the centre and in the states, so the measure has not found favour yet. The centre has cut taxes to an extent on some petroleum products, but the states have not yielded ground at all. There is a lot of scope on sales tax reductions, the taxes are currently linked to retail prices and hence increase each time prices go up.

    Oil analysts say China has tackled the high oil problem by capping levies to a single tax rate. Duties on transportation fuel are a uniform 13% all over China, much lower than the Indian rates. Of course, the additional advantage that countries like China, Brazil and Malaysia have is that they produce more oil domestically.

    India now imports close to 70% of its oil needs and domestic production has been stagnant for over a decade. Narasimhan says the second option to deal with the situation is an oil cess. Oil companies have proposed that the government levy a 3% cess on income tax on the lines of the education cess. This could raise close to Rs 15,000 crore every year, which could be used to stabilise oil prices.

    Targeted subsidies

    The third option is to have targeted subsidies; which means passing on the subsidy only to economically weaker sections instead of all the consumers. The huge under-recoveries by the oil companies are on the sale of four petroleum products — petrol, diesel, LPG and kerosene. “Of these, LPG and petrol are products that are consumed by a vast swathe of urban population that can afford to pay much more,” says an oil company official.

    Subsidised LPG and kerosene can be sold to families below the poverty line, but why should everyone enjoy this benefit? he asks. This can be done through the issue of pre-loaded oil-cards, on the lines of the Kisan cards. This would ensure that the under-recoveries come down by almost half, according to estimates. This is something some economists have also endorsed.

    The new president of CII KV Kamath says, “While the situation on inflation does not make it possible at present to consider a greater pass through of oil prices, this is a measure which would have to be taken sometime in the near future, based on the situation on inflation.

    The situation on oil prices also mandates that the country set a target for itself in terms of conservation. Demand management of energy consumption including greater efficiency in utilisation is a must for the country.”

    The impact

    The impact of the high prices is being felt by oil companies more than anyone else. Consumers of aviation fuel, naptha and furnace oil too are bearing the brunt. For the rest it is of little consequence. However, the slowdown in oil company spends may soon start impacting growth.

    For 2007-8, the government expects to issue oil bonds worth about Rs 32,000 crore. The figure is not fixed yet and bonds for the fourth quarter of the year are yet to be issued. In 2008-9, the figure is likely to be higher, depending on actual prices through the year.

    The under-recoveries of the oil marketing companies, are currently shared between the companies themselves, oil producers (ONGC) and the government (through the issue of bonds). As oil prices went up, the central government has taken a larger share of the losses which meant greater recourse to oil bonds.

    Weighed against the backdrop of these developments, it is amply clear that the government may have to soon bite the bullet. The options are limited. Either the political managers would have to take some hard measures or the other option would be to settle for lower economic growth rate. Issuance of oil bonds was fine as long as the economic growth was robust.

    However, exercising such a relatively easier option may be far more difficult when the economy slows down. That is the time when these bonds can be a heavy burden. There is no escaping the fact that oil prices will have to be passed on to consumers. Many countries have done it. India may not have much of a choice. The longer the government delays it the greater will be the collateral damage.

    (With inputs from Pravin Palande and Preeti Iyer)


    http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/Features/Special_Pages/The_Big_Story/High_oil_prices_should_be_passed_on_to_consumers/rssarticleshow/msid-3006066,curpg-1.cms

    Wednesday, April 30, 2008

    Handwritten Newspaper



    Each page of this Urdu newspaper is handwritten by 'katibs'

    Chennai: At the office of 'The Musalman', the oldest Urdu daily in the country, and possibly the only handwritten newspaper in the world, no one has ever quit. They work, says Rahman Husseini, the chief katib or copywriter of the paper, till they pass on. Rahman joined the Urdu daily more than 20 years ago as an accountant, learnt calligraphy, and when the then chief katib passed away at the age of 80, he took over the front page of 'The Musalman' and has been working on it since, earning Rs 2,500 a month.

    It is the same story with the reporters, the production staff, the distribution staff and everyone else at this newspaper office. "We are all family," says Rahman. "Even bhai worked here till the end of his life."

    When he says bhai, Rahman is referring to Janab Syed Fazullah Sahib, the editor of the paper, who died on April 26 this year at the age of 78. Syed Fazullah had taken over the hand-written paper from his father Syed Azmathullah, who was also the founder of the daily.

    Nothing much has changed at the newspaper's Triplicane High Road office since its inception in 1927. 'The Musalman', an evening paper, has always been handwritten — all four pages of it — everyday, not a single day missed in all 81 years. The calligraphers still work in a dingy little corner of the 800 square foot one-room office that also houses the printing press, as they have been doing for years. There is no airconditioning in their corner, just two wall fans. In terms of ventilation, it all comes through the narrow front door. Lighting is three bulbs and a tubelight.

    Even the editor's room is a still from a bygone era. Papers stacked everywhere, a solitary fax machine in the corner, lots of files and ledgers, not a single computer or typewriter anywhere. For the next 36 days though, the newspaper will have no editor, says Aarif, who is Syed Fazullah's youngest son. "I am looking after the paper while my brothers take care of the funeral arrangements. We are not allowed to decide anything till the 40th day is over, so we have no editor. But the paper has come out every single day," he says.

    The katibs, one man and two women, work almost three hours on each page, writing out by hand the headlines and news reports in Urdu, then sticking on the advertisements, sending the pages in for plating and then for printing. When one of them is ill, the others work overtime to bring out the paper. If there is a mistake, sometimes the entire page has to be rewritten.

    The front page is always for national and international news, the second and third for local news and the fourth for sports. One square of space is always left blank at the bottom right corner of the front page, says Rahman, in case there is breaking news. "But we only carry it if the breaking news happens by 3 pm as we still have to write it down by hand and then get it printed to reach the houses on time." The paper is also sold on the streets every evening for 75 p a copy.

    "We have correspondents all over the country," says Aarif. "In New Delhi, Kolkata, Hyderabad etc. They fax us their stories or call and tell us and we write it."

    For the 22,000 subscribers of the paper, 'The Musalman' is the only newspaper as they cannot read any other language but Urdu, says Aarif and though the number of subscribers is reducing in Chennai, it's going up in certain interior parts of Tamil Nadu. Profits are down, he adds with a sigh, but it's not stopping them.

    kamini.mathai@timesgroup.com